Social Relevance

I really would be lying if I will say that I am enjoying my Summer Practicum. Among others, this is one of the decisions I have made that I wish I could have reconsidered, that I could have taken a different route. For some reason, picking Ombudsman seemed to be not so bad after all. I was expecting to work with legal matters, have a look at how cases are being handled, and why cases are not being solved. However, it was not what I expected it to be.

Sadly, we were narrowed down to clerical work. Worse, the things we encode are not even related to the course, or to the cases that the Ombudsman is handling. We were assigned to different divisions. Accounting and HR divisions for some. For us, we were assigned to the General Services Department.

The worst feeling about this is that we were confined to administrative work that is basic to all offices. Inventories, encoding, evaluation of staff, etc. I bet other government offices also have these stuff, and even my classmates are also doing it. But at least they have to read materials related to the course. Human rights cases for example, or about ASEAN. Me? Telephone numbers, bills to be paid, etc.

Well, Im just really disappointed. But I need to do my job. The worst part is I dont feel socially relevant. Maybe this is the UP in me. This is what Prof. Tuazon meant on his message to the seniors, that there is a greater society to be served.

If there is one thing that is good about this experience, its the knowledge and the realization that I want to be a person that does a job that affects people's lives, serving the people, the poor just like what my brother and mom does. I might work in an NGO, doing project proposals, progress reports, wooing donors. Still, it is with that knowledge that with my work, Im changing the society in one way.

Its just that I want a work not only to earn means for living. At the same time, I hope I can make a dent in the society. At the end of the day, I want that feeling that I did something not only for myself, but for my country, and for other people as well.

:)

HS Valedictory Speech 03.19.07

Reposting: I freaking wrote like a DORK back in the day! DAMN.

***

I buried a chest of highschool memories but I kept a map, for one day I know, I'll find my way back to open the lock. One day, I'll reminisce these treasures, knowing that college can never replace the smiles my "berks" have given me. Even getology (study of laughter) could not define what high school has offered.
Friends, teachers, classmates, schoolmates, PM sisters and parents, good morning!

As I was thinking what to say in front of you today, I remembered, for the past week we were rehearshing for this big day, all I was able to say was thank you. And to tell you honestly, I meant all 9-letters of it. It has been four years since I set foot on the HCM ground, four long years since I first sat in these classrooms listening to our beloved teacher. Four years since we began our transformation from small dependent brats to young independent adults.

The Late Great MRT Story

written when I was still a freshie (?). great experience with friends. embarrassing though. still, memorable. :)

***

Nakasakay ka na ba sa MRT na lampas ng North Ave?? O Nakahiga ka na ba sa upuan nito?? O tumakbo-takbo sa loob nito? O di kaya'y sumigaw? Eh umiyak? Eh maligaw?

Lupet noh??!)

We were from Boni that day, Kim, Nove, Gay and I were on our way home from interviewing World War II survivors as a part of our History I project. Just like any ordinary day, any usual routine, we bought our tickets and waited for our train at the center platform of Boni station to TafT. We talked about a lot of things while we waited with bated breath for the train to arrive. Nag-aasaran pa kami nun. Nung dumating ang train, di kami sumakay kasi naman puno. Sabi pa ng mga girls kong kasama parang boyfriend na nila lahat ang mga lalake dun kapag sumakay sila sa MRT na sobrang sikip. Kung wala ka raw BF, sumakay ka sa MRT at makipagsiksikan at pagbaba mo tiyak meron nah.

So, after the first train, un, naghintay na naman kami for sometime. Gay was anxious to get home kasi nga may curfew nman sa dorm niya at kelangan pa nyang magnet. So nung mapansin naming medyo maluwang na ang sumunod na train, sumakay na kami.

My watch struck 8:00 pm nung makadalawang station na kami. Naalala ko pa kasi when the door opened, a bunch of men entered. Sabay naman hirit ni Kim, "Ayan na ang mga boyfriends namin!". Sabay tawa naman kami lahat.

Silence. I believe there was some moment of dead air or baka nakalimutan ko lang na may pinag-uusapan kami because of the proceeding moments. Kim noticed iba na un billboards na nakikita nya. She was the one we usually call the "LRT girl" kasi di na humahawak. Parang nag-susurfing lang sa beach. Siya rin yung parang memorize lahat ng stations. Ayun nagtaka si LRT girl. Then, all of the sudden, "SANTOLAN STATION".

DAMN, we were going the WRONG way!!!

Anu ba yan?? We were going to Taft but un ang nangyari. Di na tuloy masagot ni Nove ang mom nya nung tinanong xa, "Neng, asan na kau?". Ano ang sasabihin nya?? "Quezon City na poh"???

The next big move now was to get down from the train and transfer. I was gonna get out of the train the next station we reached when Kim said to wait for a station that has a center platform like in Boni to transfer easier. Station after staion, we looked outside the window hoping our eyes will see a center paltform. Pero, parang nakkiisa ang mga engineers ng MRT sa kamalasan namin at walng center paltform. Until we reached North Ave, the last station.

Bumaba kami, we were left with no choice na kasi. I think we stood for about a second there at the door, thinking what to do next. Especially ako, na walang kaalam-alam sa mga ganito. Wala naman kasing MRT sa Davao noh. Ung feeling ko that time di ko alam ang gagawin ko, or san pupunta, or what now. By this time, Gay way crying. Crying because of inis siguro. Nasira ko kasi ung sched niya. She was also saying when we were in Boni kung tama ba ung sasakyan namin. Tapos un, wala namang komontra. Kaya ako sinunod nila.

Dinaan nalang namin sa tawa ang aming mga kalokohan. Ang gulo namin as in. We went to the engineer of the train, asking what to do now. He asked as to board the train again at iikot anman daw to. After hearing those words, DamN, ang saya namin. Pumasok kami sa MRT na walng tao. We did thigs na di magagawa sa MRT during normal days. Humiga si Kim sa upuan. Tumakbo-takbo kami. Sumigaw, ewan. Dala siguro ng hiya at something overwhelmed sa katangahan namin. Sayang di na namin naisip magpicture-picture noon. Kasi naman, we were caught up in the moment.

Approxiamtely 8:25 PM na nun. The train went past North Ave station and switched track. First time ko nakita kung paano ba bumalik ang mga trains, or ano ang nasa dulo ng MRT. Syempre, there was an eerie feeling. Madilim ang labas. Bumukas kusa ang mga pintuan kahit walang istasyon. A cold draft swept past us. Tapos, the light flactuated pa. Sabay labas ni Kuya driver leaving us with the words "Dyan na kayo!".

Un naman pala lilipat sa kabilang dulo ng train. Muntik ko ng makalimutan, reversible nga naman pala ang trains.

At last, we were on our way home. Though, it was a longer trip than what we expected when we were in Boni, the experience is not worth the P 12.00 we spent on our cards. Not even close. Siguro we were so pressured on the things we were going to do when we get home. All the paperworks, homeworks, and other requirements were on our minds. We talked about it a lot kaya un, God found a way to help us lighten up.

The smiles we had that time, the laughter that everyone heard when we realized what was happening, the tears we shed inside the train will forever remain in our memories. Nasa cellphone pa namin un. Naka-Reminder. September 23, 2007, The MRT Story. Ang araw na pinaglaruan kami ng kapalaran at napagtripan ng kamalasan. It was horrible mistake that at least had a happy ending.

Ewan, napaisip tuloy ako, it made me realize...

Life is not about the number of right directions you take, its about the number of times you turned around and got back on the right track after every wrong turn.

Keith Detros

September 23, 2007

12:00 AM

Bored?

Marami atang nagrereklamong bored sila lately. Well, not the case for me. Siguro sasabihin ko lang na bored, pero hindi in a pa-reklamo way. LOL. Bakit? HAHA. Kasi, narealize ko nung last week ng semester na to, MAS MABUTI NG BORED KESA SA TOXIC.

HAHA. Tingnan naman kasi. Ito yung schedule nun oh.

• Political Science 182 exam -- Monday
• Political Science 163 exam -- Tuesday
• Philosophy 171 exam -- Wednesday
• Political Science 178 finals (pageant) -- Thursday
• Political Science 199 Exam -- Saturday
• Political Science 199 Research Proposal -- Tuesday

Lahat yan soobrang hirap. Lahat sobrang kelangan pag-isipan. Lahat sobrang kelangan pag-aralan. HAHA. Sabay-sabay diba?

So kung bored ka, isipin mo yung mga oras na wala kang panahon maging bored. Let's be thankful nalang kasi bored tayo. We still have the liberty to choose what to do with our time. We are not compelled to accomplish tasks, nor are there deadlines to meet.

So instead, sakto lang. Relax. Petix. Rest.

Bored? Yehey! Bored ako!

Talk to Me Because...

Another Tumblr post.

Minsan, makakahanap ka talaga ng taong tatanggapin mo siya,

kahit ano pa man ang flaws.

*nabasa ko to somewhere eh, forgot saan. :)

The Possible Threats of Unification:

The German Experience as a basis for Korea

In this article, more than the process, we will focus and examine closely the possible threats that unification may bring to the Korean peninsula. However, it must be stressed that the starting point of the discussion lies in the historical happenings of the German unification. The concepts of integration and unification will be discussed in brief as well as the justifications for the amalgamation of Korean states. Moreover, the trends, both similarities and differences, will be given considerable amount of discussion. Furthermore, still basing on the German experience, the reasons for justification, as well as possible actions to be taken in the advancement of the fusion of the states will be tackled. Finally, the final section of the paper is for the ideas and questions emanating from the discussion.

Introduction

In a world where globalization is imminent, the borders of a country do not draw the line of limitations in creating relationships between nations. With the advancement in technology, countries have been able to transcend their territories more easily and forge relations with other foreign entity – maybe of different language, culture, and tradition. Far more interesting is the fact that these so-called relationships formed do not end in mere association, open communication or even in international trade only. Sometimes, some countries seek a sense of unification. Evidently, examples of which can be seen in two great powers in Europe.

For one, more apparent politically, United Kingdom is a sovereign nation that has been formed with several nations coming as one – namely England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. On the other hand, in monetary and economic aspects, the European Union can be seen as an example. This 27 – country bloc has been able to adopt a common currency in other parts of the union, and also develop a single market. From this standpoint, it can be argued that the countries making alliances with other countries see strength and security in unity.

With this, it is important to stress that the norms of the international polity are often equated with national independence and unification (Haas, 1984). There were even speculations that with the devastation the global financial crisis has brought upon the economies of the world, a new global currency may emerge and even global governance[1]. The point is: unification seems to be a growing trend in the world over. Therefore, divided states and nations can be viewed as a deviation from this perspective (Haas, 1984).

With the concept of unification established and growing between nations of different fundamental backgrounds and cultures, heads turn to a nation which has warranted attention over the past months – Korea. With the recent actions of the North toward preserving a system of secrecy, and a more disturbing nuclear activity, one has to ask why Korea – considering they have been united in the past, and more importantly, sharing a common culture, language and history – has not been able to achieve the unification and integration other countries, heterogeneous in nature, have been able to obtain.

In consideration of this, Germany jumps into the picture as being one of the countries that has been able to do so. At a glance, one can argue that the two countries have similarities. Both have been united in the past, both have been torn by World War II, and both adopted diverging ideologies in governing different nations emerging from the division. However, the difference is, the Berlin Wall has now been torn down and Germany is united once again. While Korea on the other hand, still is separated into two nations: Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) of the North and the Republic of Korea (ROK) in the South.

This paper aims to discover the possible impacts that the unification may bring to the Korean peninsula, considering the repercussions Germany faced during the marriage of the East and the West Germany. The means of achieving the unification may differ considering the differences in context and situation of the two regions. These differences will be discussed in detail. However, due to the interdependence and the interwoven nature of the varying factors in both nations, multiple overlaps may occur in the discussion. For instance, the differences is not limited to the section devoted to it, but in the course of the discussion, the reader will be informed further with other in depth disparities in situation that might cause new waves of problems and possibilities for the Korean nation. Moreover though the there are differences, these only apply to the methods that will be done in pursuit of the fusion; the aim of the process is one: unification. Having the same ends, the projection of the possible impacts will be based on the German experience. The problems the Germans faced during the first years of unification will be expected if Korea will achieve the same feat.

Moreover, the author has supplemented some claims with figures. The quantitative data was taken at the present time so as to assess achieve the full applicability of the discussion in the modern world. The feasible design and structure will also be included in the paper considering what the Germans have done. However, the proposed actions did not only rely on the German experience but also in addressing the other problems in which the Germans did not have, i.e. large economic gap. Finally, the paper will end with new questions arising from the unification process based on the discussion provided by this paper.

Integration and Unification

The common definition that one could get of unification is the act or the process of making something into a unit or a coherent whole (Merriam-Webster, 2009). However, it can also be defined as the means of “restoration of a nation into a single national entity” (Choue, 1985, p. 13).

It is important to note however, that the theories for integration are seen as central in the study of unification. For one, it is considered that unification is an advanced kind of integration. It could be argued that integration, in different aspects – political, economic, social, and cultural – could serve as a foundation for unification in the future. Such is the case in Europe wherein scholars in the past have reviewed several models and theories of integration due to the fact that understanding these diverse models could be vital for conceptualizing models for political unification. (Haas, 1984)

In relation to this, Haas (1984) further argues that for some entity to achieve a degree of unification or integration, two factors must be of importance. One, taking into consideration the concepts of Mazzini, attitude is a factor. It can be remembered that Mazzini highlighted the importance of nationalism. In turn, this has lead to the development of romanticism wherein the root cultures, such as peasants, of a nation should be valued in order to have a unified state with a democratic foundation. Hence, in order to achieve some progress in the unification process, people must want to be united. Public or elite opinion must favour the moves for integration. The second type of factor relies on the material conditions which could be of economic importance.

These general concepts of the prerequisites for integration as mentioned by Haas somehow coincide with the specific circumstances wherein Korean integration could be possible. According to Choue (1985), considerable levels of integration will become evident if two conditions with in the political systems of involved nations are fulfilled. First, peaceful competition between the two nations must be ensured and secondly, the systems of both nations must be compatible to each other, such that in cultural and economic term.

In the path towards unification, the attitudinal factors are deeply embedded in the culture and tradition of the Korean people. Moreover, the different events which have happened after the division could have affected the outlooks of the Koreans. In relation to the compatibility, there are areas wherein the North and the South could focus their attention to. Haas (1984) cites the political, economic, cultural and social interactions as means of laying down the foundations for successful unification. However, taking into consideration the actions done during the German experience, value integration is also an additional factor that could spell the success of unification (Kang, 1993).

Trends: Similarities and Deviations

As briefly stated, the German experience was viewed as something that would be an appropriate template to the Korean unification due to the salient similarities. First of all, both have been unified in some way in the past, and geographically, are essentially within close proximity of each other (Choue, 1985). The Germans were divided into the East or the German Democratic Republic and the West or the Federal Republic of Germany. This is in the same way as Korea is divided into the North or the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the South or the Republic of Korea (ROK). The same could be argued for the cause of the division. Both of the countries were basically divided due to a war. Incidentally, both were divided during World War 2. The Berlin Wall was the demarcation of the German nations while the 38^th parallel was the point of division for the Koreans. Interestingly, the nations that were divided developed diverging ideologies: one of capitalism and one of socialism. The former was adopted in the Western side of Germany and in the Southern state of Korea, while the latter was for East Germany and North Korea. In the beginning of the division, both parts tried to neglect the legitimacy of the other, but eventually recognized it in some way (Choue, 1984). Even at one point, during the 1970’s, both pushed for peaceful co-existence with the Berlin-Bonn normalization treaty in Germany and the Seoul-Pyongyang joint communiqué in 1972 (Choue, 1984).

However, more than focusing on the similarities, prevailing deviations from the trends must be highlighted. The German unification process can only go as far as the similarities would go, and also, in the projection of possible effects. Situations from Germany and from Korea may be similar, but the degree and details upon which they are embedded upon are largely varying. The real process of integration, interaction and communication between two divided states are still dependent upon the context they are in. This makes sense because if both the cases of Germans and Koreans are the same in every aspect, the point of discussing Korean unification would lose its relevance as it would just make the unification process unilinear in nature, directly copying that of Germany’s to Korea’s case.

Several authors have stated the importance of the fact that Korea is not Germany (Haas, 1984; Min, 1995; Wagner, 1995). This section is devoted to the discussion in the difference in the situation. This also supports the statement that the German unification cannot be seen as a panacea to the Korean question. Rather, is should be stressed that the “German way” is for the Germans, and Korean should discover their “Korean way’’ (Wagner, 1995).

A first glaring difference between Korea and Germany is on its economies. The German economies combined during unification are well ahead in economic status compared to the nations of the Korean peninsula. Before reunification, West Germany was an economic superpower while the Eastern side of Germany was the strongest economy in its block (Lipschitz and McDonald, 1990; Min, 1995). Furthermore, Min (1995, p. 294) has likened the German unification to a “marriage of a very rich groom to a not-very-poor bride”. On the other hand, the Korean marriage would be a “marriage between a groom with a promising future but without much money and a very poor bride” (p. 294).

Aside from the evident discrepancy in economic situations, the difference in the ratio of population has given the confidence in West Germany to pursue with the process. This is different in the Korean case. At the time of the unification, the population of the West was quadruple that of the population of the East (Min, 1995). However, in the Korean peninsula, the North is almost half of the population of the South. Currently, South Korea is home to 48,379,392 people while, due to limited information, an estimated 23.5 million is living in North Korea (US Department of State, 2009). This difference in ratio, relative to Germany, and the absence of an overwhelming majority status in population may cause a weak stabilizing effect and desire for the South Koreans to pursue unification once and for all (Min, 1995).

Third, Germany did not experience any evident hostility between East and West after the division. This is very different from Korea which is marked by several encounters concerning loss of life and destruction. The Korean War (1950 – 1953) was the epitome of these hostile acts. It was succeeded by the Aungsan Terror (1983), killing 17 South Korean government officials and the KAL incident, a midair explosion of a South Korean airplane killing 115 passengers, in 1987. This has lead to the development of the “red complex”, a fear of the communist and everything related to communism (Min, 1995, p.292). Fortunately, as people who developed the “red complex” – people who experienced the grave effects of the Korean war, and displaced by it – are no growing old and are decreasing in number. However, it is important to stress that it is not only the South Koreans who could develop this fear and stereotypical notion of their counterparts, but the same thing could also be expected of the North Koreans. The lack of communication of North Koreans and South Koreans as opposed to that of the situation in Germany, could also add to this complication. (Min, 1995, p. 292; 295).

Fourth, another difference may lie in the presence of European Union. Lipschitz and McDonald (1990) highlights the fact that one of the themes of the German unification was it was actually seen as a contribution to the European unification. It can be argued that the commitments of the West in EU, coupled with the “oriental collectivism” (Min, 1995) of the Koreans, may be another factor to be considered as a difference in Korea and Germany.

The author would like to emphasize the point that the differences between Korea and Germany, and the situation they are in, are not limited to the points discussed above. Along the way, as several other facets of the possible outcomes and future prospects which needs a certain degree of contemplation, other differences will be discovered.

Why Unify Korea?

In discussing the process of being able to unify Korea as a whole, one may venture into the thoughts of why bother finding ways to unify a divided country. On one side, one may argue that the countries, remaining as they are, independent form each other and as separate sovereign entities, may be better off. The search for the justification of the unification process and the questions regarding the reason for the advancement of such moves posits on the significant positive changes that a unified country may bring.

As Soon as Possible

Before discussing the reasons for the unification, it is important to stress the fact that if Korean unification is to be desired, it must be done as soon as possible. One factor that increases all the other variables which affect the unification process exponentially is the time frame in which it has to be pursued. The longer Korea remains divided, the farther the cultures differ and diverge. As long as the people in Korea recognize the legitimacy of the 38^th parallel, the harder it would be for a unified Korea. Currently, the division stands at approximately 61 years. It could be the case that both countries, the North and the South, are inhabited by a population whom the majority have been socialized and accustomed to their current ideology – juche in the North and a more open and democratic one in the South – since birth (Haas, 1984; Min, 1995). As people go through time, the danger that these diverging ideologies will go farther and deeper into their own cultures enhances (Choue, 1985; Min, 1995). As a plausible result, the world might see two new cultures and two new identities – a situation that could make it harder to reconcile differences. Moreover, the concept that Korea was once unified for 1300 years as a ‘distant memory’ will intensify over the following decades.

The pressure from the people within the Korean system also is diminishing over time. Basically, the people who have desired unification are those who have been separated with their families from the Korean War, and those who have the memories of living in one unified country. However, these citizens do not live forever so as to keep the pressure of reunification burning. Therefore, when such internal pressure even in such practical manners such as family reunions starts to decline, the issue about unification loses its urgency. The new generation of Koreans may not have the same desire that these might people have. (Haas, 1984)

Certainly, the urgency that the phrase “as soon as possible” brings can be applied to the Korean Unification. Time may basically heal all things; however, it is with this healing that people get habituated with their own situations. The farther the distance between the two countries go in cultural and economic aspects, the greater efforts are needed for the realization of the Korean dream of a unified state.

Justifications for Unification

Several justifications for the Korean unification process are evident – this pertains heavily on the historical, cultural and the moral causes (Choue, 1985). Early in the 1990’s, it has been seen that the fusion of the Korean nation will bring progress, both economic and political, to the separate countries. However, in the case of South Korea nowadays, this justification seems to be irrelevant as the booming economy of South Korea has proven that it can grow without the North Korean nation. Moving from a centrally-planned economy to a market-oriented one over the years, South Korea’s economy grew. They are now the United States' seventh-largest trading partner and around the world, the Republic of Korea is the 13th-largest economy in the world (US Department of State, 2009).

On the other hand, one of the strongest case people in favour the unification have is history. The Korean people is homogenous in nature, has been unified for approximately 1, 300 years in the past – sharing a common language, and one in race and tradition (Choue, 1985; Min, 1995). Furthermore, though different ideologies now rule in the two Korean nations, culture and traditions that are deeply embedded in each Korean have endured time and transcended the ideologies. These rooted values includes characteristics which put significance on blood relationship, encouragement of humane feelings, respect in interpersonal relationships based on Confucianism, and patriarchic family structure, etc. (Min, 1995). This has led some analyst to argue that sharing a deep ethnic and cultural foundation may play a vital role in integration and unification (Min, 1995), and that unifying Korea would be, in theory, faster than of Germany because of this condition (Choue, 1985).

The discussion above also supports the other reason for the unification of Korea – that is, the preservation and integrity of the cultural heritage of the Korean peninsula. For the advocates of a single Korean nation, the rich thousand-year traditions and customs of the once unified nation is seen as too important to be put to waste. As time progresses, the difference in ideologies may spawn a different breed of culture and tradition to two different nations, and eventually replace the Korean identity. (Choue, 1985)

In addition to the cultural aspects the Korean unification may address, great weight is put upon the notion that the union of the nations could have moral implications. It is believed that the study of the Korean integration is of significance because of its humanitarian foundations. For one, the division has caused a separation of millions of families in Korea, especially in the times during the Korean War. Families and relatives, both of great importance to the Korean people, have become separate for the longest times. This is different with Germany wherein a certain amount of communication between the two nations has been allowed during the time of division. (Choue, 1985)

More than the concept of familial ties, a vital value to the Korean people, it is vital to stress out that the unification of the Korean peninsula will address the growing concerns of human rights, especially in the North. Even with the limited information and the secrecy North Korea applies to its territory, several reports have surfaced expressing the threats North Korea has on its citizenry. U.S. Department of State’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (2006) reports that the regime has been subjecting its people to rigid control in different aspects of human lives. Information and media has been also greatly controlled by the state and it denies freedom of speech and an alternative source of information (BBC, 2009). Furthermore, Freedom House (2007, p. 63) emphasized six areas of concern: (1) the right to food and the right to life; (2) the right to the security of the person, humane treatment, nondiscrimination and access to justice; (3) the right to freedom of movement and the protection of persons linked with displacement (primarily in China and upon return to North Korea); (4) the right to the highest attainable standards of health and the right to education; (5) the right to self-determination and political participation, access to information, and freedom of expression, belief, opinion, association, and religion; and (6) the rights of vulnerable groups and persons, particularly women and children. It is argued that with liberal democracy as a new political system, all of these alarming points would be addressed.

In other cases, it can also be argued that the unifying the North and the South will be for the good of the international stability and security. Unification is seen as a path that will lead to the pacification of the nuclear activity and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the North.

Whatever the case may be, the justifications presented above seem to give the unification its influence. Since the development of the South Korean nation has minimized the economic reasons as a justification, it can be seen that considerable impetus for such move now lie in the cultural preservation of the whole Korean nation and also to the moral aspects that the unification may bring, especially in bringing peace in North Korea.

Possible Outcomes of Unification:

A Comparison with Germany

A launching pad for the discussion would be the case based on Germany. With the establishment of a unified German state, several outcomes have surfaced and affected the whole country. Though it is important to stress that though in many aspects, the Korean and German experiences differ, the German unification process has laid out the basic problems and challenges that arises out of unification (Min, 1995). The means maybe different, but the ultimate aim is the same: the coming of two countries as one. Therefore, the outcomes of the German unification will be used to project the possible scenario should Korea be able to follow the European country’s lead. However, with this, the application of the Korean situation and context will complete the picture of the possible effects. Considering the circumstances in Germany and Korea, varying outcomes could be evident.

It is important to note that all effects will emanate from a change in the system. If the German experience is not to be altered, therefore, the more capitalistic side will absorb the other one. The degree of change in this system will certainly have repercussions basing on the different aspects on human life. For South Koreans, the unification can be viewed as nothing but an increase in territorial boundaries and area of jurisdiction as the political and economic systems will not be altered (Lee, 1995). This was also a case that can be made for the Federal republic of Germany wherein the unification was viewed only as a mere extension of powers according to the Article 23 of the Federal Republic of Germany’s Basic Law or the Grundgesetz (Lipschitz and McDonald, 1990; Stern, 1991). It was basically a process viewed only as the addition of five states from East Germany into the 11 states of the West to form what we know now as a unified country (Stern, 1991). Thus, the adjustment to the political and economic system may not be as dramatic for the South Koreans, just as it was not for the West Germans.

However, on the flip side, the North Koreans will be subjected to a much larger change in political, social and economic facets of their lives. Total transformation of the system is one case the North Koreans could be facing, as much as the Democratic Republic of Germany did. However, amplifying the effects the unification may have on the North Koreans than on the East Germans would be the level of secrecy and isolation that the North Korean government is imposing on its people and their juche ideology. The dynamism of a system capitalistic in nature could come as a shock for people occupying North of the 38^th parallel. (Lee, 1995)

For one, economic systems are greatly altered (Lee, 1995; Noland, 2000). This could come as a sudden change to the countries involved especially in the northern side of the border as the past centrally planned economy now shifts to a different system. Emphasizing on this point, the ‘brotherly competition’ that a socialist economic system has is largely different from the competitive arena of the capitalist system in the world market (Lee, 1995, p. 247).

Concerning this, renovation of the industrial sectors in the economy could also be evident (Lee, 1995; Noland, 2000) such that of what happened in the GDR (Lee, 1995). Basing on the East German experience, the renovations may come from the two reasons: 1) industrial sector have become obsolete so that it needs to be replaced, as well as 2) the equipments meant to run with the “Soviet-style-gigantism” are not very profitable because of overcapacity thus a reduction in scale is necessary (Lee, 1995, p. 251). The result: massive unemployment.

It could be stated that the case that the influx on new industries in a more open economic system were looking for workers with more capacity to be more efficient. Analyzing on the fact that the industrial equipments on the East side of Germany were obsolete, their workers have not been accustomed to new development in technologies that the West side have the luxury of. Therefore, massive unemployment is from the low-skilled workers of GDR whose technologies were lagging behind. The same could, and would, be the case in North Korea after unification.

Furthermore, after the unification, the industrial sector of the GDR accounts for the highest proportion in unemployment. In 1992, East Germans’ unemployment rate boomed from 6.1 percent, to 14.4 percent or referring to the increase of unemployed form 537,000 in 1990, to approximately 1,169,000 in just two years. This is relatively different the West Germans as their unemployment rate still hovered around 6 percent even after unification (DIW as cited by Lee, 1995). Again, it is expectation that under unification, what happened in East Germany, could very well happen in North Korea.

More importantly, the economic transformation may also lead to the development of social cleavages. For one, the opening of the economy would widen the economic playing field of the firms. With the possibility of investing in the North, firms from the South and the international community could take advantage of the unification (Noland, 2000). This phenomenon would lead to a shift in economic power away from the labor class, and towards the capital aspects of the economy, which are the firms (Noland, 2000).

It could also be argued that a ripple effect of the unification is the increasing inequality in income distribution of the lower-skilled class and the high-skilled working class, favouring the group with higher skills (Noland, 2000). This is also not to mention the capitalist problem: the assurance of efficiency but not of equity. This is the effect of the earlier discussed industrial renovation (Lee, 1995) which could be an outcome of the unification. Logically speaking, in addition to the massive unemployment mentioned earlier, and due to the fact that the country of lower rate of technological advancement as well as industrial capacity would create lower-skilled workers, income inequality could grow exponentially. Of course, new industries foreign in nature are in need of high-skilled workers so as to achieve maximum efficiency. The high unemployment rates could very well come from the Northern side of the border as opposed to the Southern side. Therefore, the unification could enhance the vertical inequality in the workforce. Especially concerning the difference of a between, and not among, a North Korean and a South Korean, this could be an area where potential conflict could thrive.

Reflecting on these possible consequences, on a personal note, the situation may also give rise to the multinational corporations in the country. This could also be a venue for them to penetrate the government, and with the possibility enhanced roles in the new system. Using this argument, a case could be made for greater differences in social classes in terms of economic power, and the possible control of business sectors in policy-making.

Lee (1995) further highlights different aspects that could face great changes with the prospect of a unified Korea. Another case is the difference in the standard of living that the unification may bring. In the Soviet block, East Germany was the most highly developed countries, that is most of the basic needs of the people are met. This is very different as in the case of North Korea which primes itself in the development of the military than any other sector in its government. A testament that basic needs and services is not met in the country is the fact that according to the Food and Agricultural Organization (as cited by Amnesty International, 2008) half of the population of North Korea, or approximately 13 million people suffer from nutritional imbalance. In roughly 6 decades of cutting it self from the whole world, freedom from hunger and malnutrition became a vital issue in North Korea. Though, the government of DPRK controls and rations the food in the country, North Korea still faces a massive task at hand is meeting the basic demands.

If the unification would address the problem of satisfying the people of their basic needs, the juche ideology could have shed some positive impacts regarding this – at least psychologically speaking. Following logically, on the personal note, one can argue that with the current situation, the North Koreans believe that there is nowhere else to go but up. This, coupled with the fact that they are isolated in nature could cause them to have lower expectations as opposed to the people of GDR during their unification (Lee, 1995). The communication level that the Germans have on the outside world has raised the bars of the expected outcome of unification. This in turn could possibly lower the cause of hostility basing on unsatisfaction which was evident in the first years of the German unification.

Finally, another possible outcome that could be of concern is about the issue of the lands and the concept of justice. In Germany, one of the great concerns which were prolonged was the issue of land properties. This is deeply rooted in the ideologies of the two nations. In a socialist ideology, lands are considered as communal properties. With the adoption of the juche ideology during Kim Il-Sung’s reign in 1948, the North Koreans have ‘collectivised’ farming -- people owning the farms collectively (BBC, 2009). It could be the case the chaos and disagreements may occur among a unified Korean nation with the possibility of the elites and business firms from the South taking interest the land in the north. Furthermore, this could also serve as a cause of underdevelopment as delay in the construction of cities and industrial sectors could happen, same as what happened in Germany. This is also not to mention the concept of justice as a value which could very well be a matter of great debate. The Eastern territory in Germany has decades of experience accounting for living life with emphasis on equal properties. It is not impossible for North Koreans, who lived longer in the same ideology than that of the East Germans, to also have the same belief and same concept of equality. The new political and economic system could be something that could also be a source of potential conflict, especially when the diverging concept of justice of the two nations comes into play. (Lee, 1995)

The German unification has posed problems that the North Koreans could face in the short run of reunification. Any moves towards unification should focus in mitigating these factors. It beats the purpose of having a history of unification if the impacts and the possible outcome it brings will not be taken into great consideration.

What could Korea do?

Taking into consideration the possible impacts that unification may bring, several factors may be done to mitigate this. These factors may be extracted from the German experience and be coupled with the Korean context. This section will be devoted to the discussion of the possible things the Korean people could do in easing the impacts of unification. Of course, the German perspective is used as a basis. The first part is for the discussion of the steps Korea has been able to take concerning some policies, and in relation to the areas of interaction and integration. However, the last part is used to address the economic discrepancy between the North and the South in order that the repercussions, especially in the economic sector, could be mitigated.

Areas of Interaction and Integration

In the earlier parts of the paper, it has been established that several venues for interaction should be of importance. In a general perspective, Haas (1984) highlights this with the interaction in the political, economic, social, and cultural arena of involved countries. This could be due to the fact that the changes in the system will certainly impact these varying aspects of a person.

One of the outcomes of the German unification that bred some social problems is the rise of the “nostalgia” in the people especially in the east side of Germany – this was referred to as the “GDR – Nostalgia” (Kapferer, 1995, p. 283). Nostalgia in this sense refers to the rapid and partly dramatic political, economic, social and cultural change in the period of transformation. It has stemmed from the perception that the under rapid changes, the feeling of deliverance from a different system transformed in a feeling of alienation. This is mainly due to the fact that nothing of the past has seemed to “survive” the transformation. It is seen as a defense mechanism wherein the individual sees what he did in the past as something of any importance since the current systems has changed greatly. (Kapferer, 1995)

Therefore, gradual incorporation of one country to the other could be of importance so as to ease this effect. Recent political unification policies under the Kim Dae-Jung Administration sought for the promotion of co-existence and co-prosperity between the two Koreas. In the National Community Unification formula, the aim is to gradually build a single community frm thestages namely: reconciliation and cooperation, confederation and finally, unification. (Ministry of Unification, 2005)

In the first phase, respect and recognition of the two Koreas will be the focal point. Peace amid division as well as reduction of hostility and mistrust through social, cultural and economic exchanges will also be promoted and developed. Following this, the second phase of confederation will have a peace mechanism installed. Common livelihood and socio-economic and cultural realms will be fostered together with this the establishment of inter-Korean summit meetings. Finally, unification of the two Koreas will see the integration of two sides into one political system wherein parliamentarians are expected to draft their own constitutions. And just like the German experience, democratic elections will complete the process of having one unified government. (Ministry of Unification, 2005)

In summary, the unified nation under the National Unification Formula wishes to establish “one nation, one state, one system, and one government” through a step-by-step and gradual process of a formation of a national community (Ministry of Unification, 2005).

Certainly, the aspects of politics, economics, society and culture as mentioned by Haas which are foci of interaction for integration and unification have been incorporated in the efforts to unify Korea. Though these plans may seem utopian in one sense, several concrete moves have been made. Since 2003, several ministrial summits have taken place. Moreover, inter-Korean events have been held. Joint academic seminars wherein two Koreas shared their knowledge about the history of the Korean people was held in February of 2004. Exchanges in arts and culture, as well as in broadcasting, as highlighted by Haas as early as 1984, was concrete in 2005. Even in the areas of sports, a venue of social interaction, the Korean have been marching together in the Olympics such that in Sydney in 2000, and Athens in 2004. (Ministry of Unification, 2005)

Therefore, it can be seen that moves towards integration have been done. However, ti is important to note that though a plan such that of a formal discussed above is present, it is still under the discretion of the two parties up to what degree and to where this process will end. Again, for emphasis, both of the Korean nations need to desire to be united. This means that North Korea, basing on what East Germany did, for any of these moves to gain momentum, will certainly have to ease up on its isolated means.

Value Integration

In terms of integration in this aspect, this has started with the Basis of Relations Treaty in Germany in December 21, 1972. Value integration does not only mean creating an environment for the promotion of one unified “race, language, culture, history and set of customs and traditions but also a desire to live in peace, freedom and prosperity” (Kang, 1993, p. 365 – 366). The value integration in Germany has created an opportunity for people to have interpersonal contacts, ease of travel, flow of information and such. With the impetus behind unification being the desire of the East to live with the West due to unsatisfactory standards of living, value integration has eased up the transition of structural integration that was introduced in 1990’s (Kang, 1993).

As for Korea, it is important to note that they have to follow the footsteps that the German unification has outlined for the unification process to be successful. The political, economic, social, and cultural aspects of the unification should be founded on the underlying notions of value integration. Structural propositions would certainly be not enough if not founded on the integration of values. These values can be further deepened with the areas of integration that has been discussed earlier in this section.

Economic Institutions

Pertaining towards the moves for unification, it is vital to point out that the rudimentary aspect of the success of economic integration is the formation of new institutions (Lipschitz and McDonald, 1990). In the German unification, this came in the form of the monetary unions and social welfare systems. It was through Ordnungspolitik – that is, “the free play of market forces within a secure, unobstusive, and well-understood institutional and financial framework” – that the process of unification was based upon. Furthremore, this has also lead to the establishment of a “social safety” net in Soziale Marktwirtschaft , a social system with which basic pensions, medical needs and unemployment benefits were assured (Lipschitz and McDonald, 1990, p. 5). If the Koreans could establish the similar systems and institutions in the future, this could very well serve as a move towards unification.

Possible loans of the North Korean Government for Economic Stability

While various means could be discovered for a better integration of the two countries, there is also another factor which could improve the chances of getting the Korean peninsula unified. On a personal note, analyzing from the discussions presented, one of the most concerning element in the equation of unification is the huge disparity in the economic standing of the two Korean nations. The German economies, as earlier discussed, faced massive unemployment because of the disparity. The effects could be magnified considering the isolation in the North of the Korean Peninsula that has brought underdevelopment and poverty. On the other hand, the same case could not be made for the South. In relation to this however, if the North Koreans can accumulate and generate funds as Noland (2000) explained, therefore there could be a chance for the North Korean government to close the gap between the countries economically, and thus, mitigating the possible negative impacts that the disparity may bring.

One of the sources of this money could be a country which has also a history with them: Japan. With the damages that has been incurred during the war and due to the colonialism of the Japanese people, it has granted $800 million for ‘compensation … at the time of normalization of diplomatic relations in 1965 with $300 million in the form of grants, $200 million in development assistance loans, and $300 million in commercial credits’ (n. pag.). In connection to this, the North Koreans could argue for the same compensation and thus bolster their economy closer to that of the status of their Southern counterparts. If the same treatment would be made, adjusting to the differences in the aspects of population, interest, inflation and appreciation of yen since 1965, the money could almost amount to a huge as $20 billion. The issue of the ‘comfort women’ to which the Japanese pushed into sex slavery, can also be another aspect for additional compensation. (Noland, 2000)

However, Japan will certainly argue that their assistance to the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO) be deducted if they are to grant this compensation (Noland, 2000). Moreover, they could further argue their efforts to the financing and revival of the Chochongryun-controlled financial institutions, or the general association Korean Residents in Japan (Noland, 2000).

Another are that Noland (2000) further argues is that the North Korean nation can enhance their economy by gaining membership to international organizations. Though they have expressed the interest in joining the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank (WB), and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), no progress is discernible mainly because of the North Koreans do not share economic information that is vital for the membership process. Unresolved political issues also serve as another hindrance for the realization of being able to be part of these international organizations. However, more than making loans, Noland argues that technical assistance and advice would genuinely help the North Koreans rather than the grant of direct monetary assistance. The activities stemming from the support and aid offered by organizations in more technical aspects could very well induce and stimulate activities of the private sector, and also has longer effects that that of direct financial loans.

Certainly, both of the arguments presented by Noland so as to finance the basic needs for the development of South Korea, if used wisely and for the sole achievement and advancement of the unification, are possible. But of course, these are not likely to happen without changes in the Korean system of the North (Noland, 2000). Reflecting on these terms, one can view the reputation of the North Korea as a stumbling block to this development. Furthermore, a person may put considerable time in the concept that the government of North Korea must desire unification, for unification to happen. For if the funds accumulated will not be used for development of their side of the peninsula, and just further stabilizing the regime, then more than a step towards solving the Korean question, it will add to the already wide developmental gaps, as well as the defined problems they already have.

New Questions

With all the things presented above, a certain case could be made for the adoption of the different aspects of the German unification process and its application to discovery of the “Korean way”. However, the author would like to raise several hypothetical questions which venture into the areas of values, and the question of how the world may react to unification. The author wonders about the “if” and the “should” of the Korean unification.

What could be South Korea’s other motivation?

If the Korean unification will have the same causes such that of the German unification, a certain point is important to be raised. It is argued that the united Germany was a product not of “revived nationalism but of political and economic necessity” (Gortemaker, 1994). It was projected as the next logical move after the closing of the iron curtain in Hungary (Ash, 1993; Gortemaker, 1994) and the massive migration of the East Germans into the West. Also, to reiterate, as for the West, Lipschitz and McDonald (1990) viewed the unification as another step towards European integration, and coinciding with the objectives of the European Union.

Reflecting on this, for the West side, it could have been the case that motivations are posited on the idea of the support of the European Union and the allied powers. This may have increased West Germany’s confidence in pushing through with the action. Furthermore, focusing on the costs of the move, the West could have seen less risk in taking the action of absorbing Eastern Germany even though economic implication, due to a relatively low economic capability of the East, is evident. The sharing of the economic burden which could have been provided by the countries of the European Union at that time might have extinguished the fear of possible huge economic recessions due to unification.

However, this could be very different for the South Koreans. For one, the disparity in the economies of North and South is very large amplifying the economic effects, leaning largely towards the negative side. Moreover, a disincentive is the absence of a similar union, such that of EU, which could help share the economic burden if North Korea is to be integrated into the South. Though several Western powers may support the move in some way, one has to ask whether the South Koreans are willing to take the risk. One might also contemplate on the fact that economic reasons could not be of importance for the South because, even without the North – or arguably, essentially because the North is not part of them – they have been able to develop into one of the largest economies of the world as of today.

It is stated that nationalism was not enough for the German unification to push through. With application to the Korean context, the nationalistic reasons of preservation of culture could be argued as insufficient. Moreover, with economic benefits not a guarantee, not to mention a huge risk the South Koreans are going to take, we could be searching for another important motivational factor to get the unification process over the hump. Considering the remaining causes for unification discussed earlier in this paper, a salient and important factor is of the moral implications. This gives attention to the level of altruism that the South Koreans have.

Is the world ready for a new global power?

The idea of unification is not entirely neglected though several points of concerns have been discussed for the possibility of it in the preceding section. However, if and should Korea become united once again, a vital question is yet again to be raised.

Setting aside the economic and social implications, and should Korea be able to survive the negative impacts of unification and gather itself up, a question about repercussions of the power it is going to accumulate is important. However, more than the political and the economic power that the long desired unified Korean state may acquire, the military capability is far more interesting. This is due to the fact that this may reshape who will some kind of power in Asia, as well as it delves into the question of global stability and security. So as to see the consequences, we will equate numbers to the possible situation.

One has to put considerable thought if the world is ready for a military superpower. Concerning the active military manpower of the nations, Global Firepower (2009) ranks North and South Korea 5^th and 6^th respectively around the world with the North amassing 1,170,000 and the South with 687,000 troops. If unification will be successful, they will total 1,857,000 active military manpower – a number exceeding even that of the United States, and ranking number two in the world now only behind China. This is also not to mention the already obvious nuclear weapons that the North Koreans posses. With the advent of a new military power, the power distribution and influence in the world could very well be redefined.

Conclusion

This paper has discussed the possible effects of the marriage of the North and South Korea taking into consideration the several consequences that has risen after the unification of Germany. As often stated in the paper, the German unification process should not be seen as an end-all and be-all solution to the Korean question. However, it is important to take note of what the Germans did for the advancement of the fusion of two states. Using the German’s action as a launching pad, application of relevant procedures for the fusion of two different entities is vital for the success of the development of a single Korean nation. At the same time, this paper has also ventured into the differences that may amplify the outcomes of the unification in varying degrees. Whatever the case maybe, it is best that the solution for the merging of the Korean nations must be done in the nearest future so as to mitigate the deepening effects brought about by time.

In addition to the time factor, gradual integration in the different areas of interaction must be pursued. It is of equal importance that a transition period must occur. Rapid changes in the system may cause disarray to the citizens of both nations such that of the “GDR-Nostalgia” of the East Germans. Though the German process took about one year to complete, this does spell the same formula for the Koreans. The Korean nation must take all the time they need to ensure the success should they choose to live as a single entity. Moves which could falter due to haste may spawn a new breed of problems which could have long-term impairment to the Korean dream.

Finally, as earlier discussed, one could venture into the new aspects of the Korean question. On a personal note, it is difficult to arrive at a conclusion regarding what could serve as additional motivations for South Korea for further advancement of such integration. The continued rogue nature of the North has caused them to take measures deviating from the ideas of unification and in an opposite direction by imposing sanctions. One could also reflect on the thought that South Korea would just wait for the North Korean regime to collapse. However, it again takes on the question of their willingness to take the risk and the burden of the underdevelopment of their northern counterpart. Whether the moral justifications would be enough to overshadow the economic and political ramifications still is a tough question to answer.

The underlying factor still relies on the desire of both nations to be unified. The cooperation of the North, coupled with the willingness of the South, and the concrete desire of both nations to be one again could serve as the foundation were the unification process could be built upon. The German experience has provided the possible problems and projected future consequences of such moves. The Korean people will be doing history a favour if they learn from it. Lessons from the past should be used as guides so as to avoid committing the same mistakes twice, not to mention to ease up on the projected repercussions.

However, it must be stressed that more than anything else, the unification of the countries should be done without the vested interests of the international and private sectors. The rationale of sectors seeking to take advantage of the unification could very well jeopardize the makings of the unification. The marriage of two Koreas should prioritize their own well-bring and of the primary persons involved – the Koreans themselves.

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[1] I stumbled upon an article earlier this year regarding creating a global currency and ultimately, a world government. See The Financial New World Order: Towards a Global Currency and World Government by Andrew Gavin Marshall (2009) at http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=13070.